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Theme quotes. Money and Materialism; The American Dream; Love and Relationships. Symbol quotes. The green light; The eyes of Doctor T.J. 57 quotes have been tagged as culture-identity: Trevor Noah: 'Nelson with the external physical environment and interdependent social relationships. Get everything you need to know about Individual Identity in The Outsiders. Analysis, related quotes, theme tracking.
When Gregor looks at an old photograph of himself, he laments over what he used to be. Kafka writes, ''On the wall directly opposite hung a photograph of Gregor from his army days in a lieutenant's uniform, his hand on his sword, a carefree smile on his lips, demanding respect for his bearing and rank. It seems that physical appearance is incredibly important to one's identity. Gregor struggles with his new identity and several times in the story, he thinks about being able to be himself again, in any capacity.
When in his room,''sometimes he thought that the next time the door opened he would take charge of the family's affairs again, just as he had done in the old days This leaves him wishing he could go back to his old life and old identity. Family Identity After Gregor transforms, his family makes less money because he can't go to work.
Eventually, this leads to the family not having enough money to support themselves. Lesbian feminist separatists have claimed that the central mechanism for the oppression of women under patriarchy is heterosexuality. Understanding heterosexuality as a forced contract or compulsory institution, they argue that women's relationships with men are persistently characterized by domination and subordination. Only divorce literal and figurative and the creation of new geographic and political communities of woman-identified women will end patriarchal exploitation, and forge a liberatory female identity Rich ; Frye ; Radicalesbians ; Wittig One of the central charges against identity politics by liberals, among others, has been its alleged reliance on notions of sameness to justify political mobilization.
Looking for people who are like you rather than who share your political values as allies runs the risk of sidelining critical political analysis of complex social locations and ghettoizing members of social groups as the only persons capable of making or understanding claims to justice.
After an initial wave of relatively uncompromising identity politics, proponents have taken these criticisms to heart and moved to more philosophically nuanced accounts that appeal to coalitions as better organizing structures. On this view, separatism around a single identity formation must be muted by recognition of the internally heterogeneous and overlapping nature of social group memberships.
This trajectory—from formal inclusion in liberal polities, to assertions of difference and new demands under the rubric of identity politics, to internal and external critique of identity political movements—has taken different forms in relation to different identities. Increasingly it is difficult to see what divides contemporary positions, and some commentators have suggested possible rapprochements between liberalism and identity politics e.
Class in particular has a distinctively different political history, and contemporary critics of identity politics, as I'll discuss below, often take themselves to be defending class analysis against identity politics' depoliticizing effects.
Of those many forms of identity politics to which large academic literatures attach, however, I'll briefly highlight key issues concerning gender, sexuality, and a complex cluster of race, ethnicity and multiculturalism. Gender and Feminism Twentieth century feminism has consistently opposed biological determinism: Feminist identity politics, then, takes up the task of articulating women's understandings of themselves and of men without reducing femininity or masculine dominance to biology.
Whatever experiences women share will be experiences of femininity not necessarily resulting from an immutable sexual difference but rather from social injustice. The fear of biological determinism has led to tremendous caution in feminist theorizing: Furthermore, the very idea of reclaiming women's identities from patriarchy has been criticized as merely an affirmation of a slave morality—a Nietzschean term describing the attachments of the oppressed as they rationalize and valorize their condition.
Carol Gilligan is the best known proponent of this position although the details of her complex paradigm are often glossed over or misrepresented Gilligan .
Her critics charge that she reifies femininity—were women not oppressed, they would not speak in the voice of care, thus casting doubt on the desirability of attempts to reclaim it as part of a liberatory framework. In other words, the current construction of femininity is so deeply imbricated with the oppression of women that such attempts will always end up reinforcing the very discourse they seek to undermine Butler  ; this critique has strong affiliations with poststructuralism which are discussed below.
The most often discussed and criticized second wave feminist icons—women such as Betty Friedan or Gloria Steinem—are white, middle-class, and heterosexual, although this historical picture too often neglects the contributions of lesbian feminists, feminists of color, and working-class feminists, which were less visible in popular culture, perhaps, but arguably equally influential in the lives of women.
For some early radical feminists, women's oppression as women was the core of identity politics, and should not be diluted with other identity issues. Thus for Black women to fight racism especially among white women was to divide the feminist movement, which properly focused on challenging patriarchy, understood as struggle between men and women, the foundational dynamic of all oppressions Firestone Claims about the universality of gender made during the second wave have been extensively criticized in feminist theory for failing to recognize the specificity of their own constituencies.
Identity Politics (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)
For example, Friedan's famous proposition that women needed to get out of the household and into the professional workplace was, bell hooks pointed out, predicated on the experience of a post-war generation of white, middle-class married women confined to housekeeping and child-rearing by their professional husbands Friedan ; hooks The question of what a global feminism should make of identity political claims, or how it should conceive solidarity among women from massively different locations within the global economic system remains open Weir Thus feminist claims made about the oppression of women founded in a notion of shared experience and identity are now invariably greeted with philosophical suspicion.
Some critics have charged that this suspicion itself has become excessive, undercutting the very possibility of generalizations about women that gives feminist theory its force Martinor that it marks the distancing of feminist philosophy from its roots in political organizing.
Others suggest alternative methods for feminist theory that will minimize the emphasis on shared criteria of membership in a social group and stress instead the possibilities for alliances founded on non-identical connections Young ; Heyes ; Cornell Nonetheless, sex-gender as a set of analytical categories continues to guide feminist thought, albeit in troubled and troubling ways.
From Gay and Lesbian to Queer Nowhere have conceptual struggles over identity been more pronounced than in the lesbian and gay liberation movement.
The notion that sexual object choice can define who a person is has been profoundly challenged by the advent of queer politics. Visible early lesbian and gay activists emphasized the immutable and essential natures of their sexual identities.
For some, they were a distinctively different natural kind of person, with the same rights as heterosexuals another natural kind to find fulfillment in marriage, property ownership, and so on. This strand of gay organizing perhaps associated more closely with white, middle-class gay men, at least until the radicalizing effects of the AIDS pandemic with its complex simultaneous appeals to difference and to sameness has a genealogy going back to pre-Stonewall homophilic activism see discussion in Terry, esp.
While early lesbian feminists had a very different politics, oriented around liberation from patriarchy and the creation of separate spaces for woman-identified women, many still appealed to a more authentic, distinctively feminist self. Heterosexual feminine identities were products of oppression, yet the literature imagines a utopian alternative where woman-identification will liberate the lesbian within every woman e.
Michel Foucault's work, especially his History of Sexuality, is the most widely cited progenitor of this view: Foucault famously argues that homosexuality appeared as one of the forms of sexuality when it was transposed from the practice of sodomy onto a kind of interior androgyny, a hermaphrodism of the soul. The sodomite had been a temporary aberration; the homosexual was now a species. In western popular culture such theories co-exist uneasily with biologically essentialist accounts of sexual identity, which look for a particular gene, brain structure, or other biological feature that is noninteractive with environment and that will explain same-sex sexual desire.
If sexual identity is biologically caused, then it is as hard to hold an individual morally responsible for being homosexual as it is to blame someone for being Black which may not be as hard as some would like to think. Whatever the truth of these fears, Eve Sedgwick is right, in my view, to say that no specific form of explanation for the origins of sexual preference will be proof against the infinitely varied strategies of homophobia Sedgwick In addition to historicizing and contextualizing sexuality, including the very idea of sexual identity, the shift to queer is also characterized by deconstructive methods.
Rather than understanding sexual identities as a set of discrete and independent social types, queer theorists adduce evidence and read to emphasize their mutual implication: Heterosexuality comes into existence as a way of understanding the nature of individuals after the homosexual has been diagnosed; homosexuality requires heterosexuality as its opposite, despite its self-professed stand-alone essence.
An exemplary conflict within the identity politics of sexuality focuses on the expansion of gay and lesbian organizing to those with other queer affiliations, especially bisexual and transgendered activists.
Some lesbian feminist critiques of transgender, for example, see male-to-female transsexuals in particular as male infiltrators of women's space, individuals so intent on denying their male privilege that they will modify their bodies and attempt to pass as women to do it; bisexual women dabble in lesbian life, but flee to straight privilege when occasion demands see Heyes for references and discussion.Strong Relationship Quotes about Love
These arguments have been challenged in turn by writers who see them as attempts to justify purity of identity that merely replace the old exclusions with new dictatorships Stone ; Lugones and inhibit coalitional organizing against conservative foes. What it does pick out is a set of social meanings with political ramifications Alcoff The most notorious example of an attempt to rationalize racial difference as biological is the U. In those countries that have had official racial classifications, individuals' struggles to be re-classified almost always as a member of a more privileged racial group are often invoked to highlight the contingency of race, especially at the borders of its categories.
And a number of histories of racial groups that have apparently changed their racial identification—Jews, Italians, or the Irish, for example—also illustrate social constructionist theses Ignatiev Indeed, the very contingency of race and its lack of correlation with categories that have more meaning in everyday life such as ethnicity or culture may circumscribe its political usefulness: Tropes of separatism and the search for forms of authentic self-expression are related to race via ethno-cultural understandings of identity: Afro-centric movement appeals to the cultural significance of African heritage for Black Americans Asante Racial categories are perhaps most politically significant in their contested relation to racism.
Racism attempts to reduce members of social groups to their racial features, drawing on a complex history of racial stereotypes to do so. Racism is arguably analogous to other forms of oppression in being both overt and institutionalized, manifested both as deliberate acts by individuals and as unplanned systemic outcomes. The specific direction of US discussion of the categories of race has been around color-blind versus color-conscious public policy Appiah and Gutmann Color-blindness—that is, the view that race should be ignored in public policy and everyday exchange—has hegemony in popular discourse.
Drawing attention to race—whether in a personal description or in university admissions procedures—is unfair and racist. Advocates of color-consciousness, on the other hand, argue that racism will not disappear without proactive efforts, which require the invocation of race.
Thus affirmative action, for example, requires statistics about the numbers of members of oppressed racial groups employed in certain contexts, which in turn requires racial identification and categorization. Thus those working against racism face a paradox familiar in identity politics: The literature on multiculturalism takes up questions of race, ethnicity, and cultural diversity in relation to the liberal state.
Some multicultural states—notably Canada—allegedly aim to permit the various cultural identities of their residents to be preserved rather than assimilated, despite the concern that the over-arching liberal aims of such states may be at odds with the values of those they claim to protect. For example, Susan Moller Okin argues that multiculturalism is sometimes bad for women, especially when it works to preserve patriarchal values in minority cultures.
Okin's critics counter that she falsely portrays culture as static, internally homogeneous, and defined by men's values, allowing liberalism to represent a culturally unmarked medium for the defense of individual rights Okin et al. For many commentators on multiculturalism this is the nub of the issue: Can liberalism sustain the cultural and value-neutrality that some commentators still ascribe to it, or to what extent should it embrace its own cultural specificity Taylor ; Habermas ; Foster and Herzog ; Kymlicka ; Deveaux ?
Defenders of the right to cultural expression of minorities in multicultural states thus practice forms of identity politics that are both made possible by liberalism and sometimes in tension with it see Laden and Owen Contemporary philosophical engagement with identity politics Since its s vogue, identity politics as a mode of organizing and set of political philosophical positions has undergone numerous attacks by those motivated to point to its flaws, whether by its pragmatic exclusions or more programmatically.
Marxists, both orthodox and revisionist, and socialists—especially those who came of age during the rise of the New Left in western countries—have often interpreted the perceived ascendancy of identity politics as representing the end of radical materialist critique see discussions in Farred and McNay Identity politics, for these critics, is both factionalizing and depoliticizing, drawing attention away from the ravages of late capitalism toward superstructural cultural accommodations that leave economic structures unchanged.
More recent scholarship challenges the politics of recognition from other directions. For example, Glen Coulthard argues that the shift in colonial state-indigenous relations in present-day Canada from unabashed assimilationism to demands for mutual recognition especially of cultural distinctiveness cannot be an adequate decolonization strategy.
Reading the intellectual history of the politics of recognition through Hegel to Sartre to Fanon to Benhabib, Coulthard argues that this discourse is a reiteration and sometimes a cover-up of the patriarchal, racist, and colonial relations between indigenous people and the Canadian state that it purports to ameliorate.
Instead, he defends a paradigm of critical indigenous resurgence that draws on cultural history and economic practices that are neither essentialized nor romanticized, but that also do not rest on concession-oriented relation building with the existing Canadian state The reasons given for the alleged turn away from economic oppression to themes of culture, language, and identity in contemporary politics differ.
First, the institutionalization of North American radicalism in the middle-class bastion of academia creates incentives for intellectuals to minimize the political importance of their own class privilege, and focus instead on other identities in turn divorced from their economic inflections.
Second, as Wendy Brown suggests, capitalist suffering may have been displaced onto other identities, interpreted through the lens of class aspiration Brown Third, the turn away from economic analysis may be less dramatic than some critics believe. Global capitalism is widening the gap between the over- and less-developed countries, and working to further marginalize women, ethnic or indigenous minorities, and the disabled in the so-called Third and Fourth Worlds.
How is twenty-first century anti-capitalist activism imbricated with identity politics Upping the Anti ? There is discussion of the relationship between popular protest against inequalities of wealth and other political movements: What does Occupy owe to feminist and civil rights organizing and consciousness-raising tactics, and why should worsening economic disparities be understood as feminist and anti-racist struggles as well as struggles of class?
Has Occupy in North America reckoned with its implication with the history of settler colonialism? More general debates about the philosophical adequacy of a politics of recognition continue: Although theorists of recognition typically start from a Hegelian model of the subject as dialogically formed and necessarily situated, they too quickly abandon the radical consequences of such a view for subject formation, McNay argues.
In this way, the debates around subject-formation that are at the heart of philosophical discussions of identity politics parallel debates between Habermasians and Foucauldians about the possibility of a transcendental subject that can ground practices of critique see Allen The problems that motivated identity political movements are not gone in Models premised on categorical identification seem increasingly inadequate to the complexities of our becomings, and intra-group sameness as the basis of political solidarity feels not only exclusionary but also too heavily predicated on negation and loss.
In particular, poststructuralist challengers charge that identity politics rests on a mistaken view of the subject that assumes a metaphysics of substance—that is, that a cohesive, self-identical subject is ontologically if not actually prior to any form of social injustice Butler This subject has certain core essential attributes that define her or his identity, over which are imposed forms of socialization that cause her or him to internalize other nonessential attributes.
Culture Identity Quotes
If you need to flag this entry as abusive, send us an email. A client of mine -- during our initial consultation -- said the following: When I'm in a relationship, I invest so much of myself into maintaining romance and intimacy that I forget who I am as an individual. How can I balance my personal identity with my identity as a couple? Does this sound familiar? The psychoanalyst Erich Fromm, in one of his writings, points to the paradox of love, something we all struggle with: In order to understand how we retain our individual identity while building our partnership, taking a trip down memory lane to recall our early childhood bonds is the first place to start, as it was then that our sense of identity and our ability to form healthy connections with others were formed.
Through our mother's unconditional support of our growing independence, we develop the ability to see her as both our caretaker upon whom we depend as well as a separate person with whom we can empathize. However, independent development in childhood may be hindered or less than ideal, causing dependency issues later in romantic relationships. Instead of having a strong sense of Self, one might turn to their partner to strengthen their identity.
Consider the following examples of how people compromise themselves in their partnership.
Instead of looking to oneself, one looks to their partner to figure out what they need or want. Lacking the confidence to take care of one self.
Feeling powerless to make changes, therefore over dependence on their partner sets in.